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Jan 16, 2021 3 mins, 32 secs

“I and many others, we have been hollering Trump is a racist,” she said.

It’s white supremacy.

And, until this nation really deals with white supremacy and how dangerous we ought to know that it is, there will be another demagogue who eventually rises in his place.”.

To Anderson and others, the warning signs have been clear all along.

In March of 2011, Donald Trump sat in the middle of a long yellow couch, flanked by the co-hosts of ABC’s “The View.” The daytime gabfest was developing a reputation as a kind of key stop for those who want to test how well they and their ideas play to average Americans.

To someone like Nsé Ufot, a political organizer and CEO of the New Georgia Project, Trump’s so-called birtherism telegraphed a lust for clear white supremacy, waged through nationwide anger and division.

“But when I first got to Color of Change in 2011, the very first thing I tried to do was run a campaign against ‘The Apprentice.’” Robinson said it was clear then that Trump’s visibility on a popular show, where he “gets to play a smart, shrewd businessman,” helped him elsewhere perpetuate “dangerous racist tropes, unconscionable junk that would become the foundation of his abomination of a presidential campaign.”.

“When you think about the danger he posed almost a decade ago,” Robinson said, “the threat that Trump’s political résumé was essentially to push the Black man for his papers, the notion that this presidency would ever end with something besides a violent white mob is naïve.”.

By choosing Trump and his birtherism, Republican voters chose a nominee who, to many, symbolized “a kilo of pure, uncut white supremacy,” Anderson said.

And over the course of his administration, Anderson said, Trump has distracted from crises and errors with inflammatory rhetoric or deeply divisive actions.

White supremacy.

White supremacy makes people feel entitled to it all.”.

“Those who have said they were Trump voters because they like his tax policy, his judges, his description of himself as pro-life simply have to ask themselves if it was worth it and how they feel about the camp they are in,” said Anderson.

In June 2015, when Trump descended Trump Tower’s gilded escalator, he acknowledged what people had speculated for years at that point: He was running for president.

Other observers who were willing to publicly connect the dots between Trump’s and Roof’s sentiments were dismissed or labeled ill-informed about American politics, said Anderson, a professor of African American Studies at Emory University.

A more accurate understanding of American politics would have to account for the repeated cycles of Black progress followed by broader white backlash, often punctuated and enforced by bloody events, Anderson said.

Throughout the 2016 campaign and the early years of the Trump administration, Trump encouraged his supporters to beat hecklers who had the temerity to protest at his rallies, offering to pay their legal fees.

Weeks after the election, when “hail Trump,” became a rallying cry at a white nationalist gathering held in Washington, Trump did not jump to distance himself.

A month later, white nationalists descended on Charlottesville, Virginia, for a rally opposing a plan to remove or cover that city’s Confederate monuments.

The unmissable warning sign, though, was that Trump had won over white nationalist support.

In fact, during the Trump years, hate crimes reached record highs every year.

Yet in the protests, Trump and his campaign saw a rallying cause for his base, painting a picture of more protests and civil unrest if Joe Biden were elected, while Trump’s re-election would restore “law and order.” The concept relied heavily on a familiar refrain: the role of white fear of Black Americans, and any loss of influence and power.

Then, Trump issued his final call to action to supporters galvanized by the idea that he had been robbed of the White House

Days after the attack, Sherrilyn Ifill, president and director-counsel of the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund, told MSNBC that the warnings that Trump and his politics were anathema to a multicultural democracy were made

They are the people who have tolerated, condoned and in some instances supported, egged on and championed the thuggery of Donald Trump

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